Articles

US - Taiwan


U.S.-Taiwan relations over the four years of Chen Shui-bian’s first term shifted unevenly between commitment and crisis. The Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) rise to power initially frightened U.S. policymakers, who feared the radicalism of a party long identified with independence.  They discovered that Chen could be pragmatic and willing to accept guidance from the U.S. Under both the Clinton and Bush administrations, Taiwan accordingly received significant support for reform and expansion of its military capabilities; support which sometimes exceeded what the DPP and the Taiwan military were prepared to accept. With the advent of the Bush administration, Taiwan enjoyed an era of unprecedented friendship in Washington, experiencing policies that accorded it more respect and dignity as well as greater access and a higher profile.  Chen, however, pushed the limits by taking several initiatives considered provocative by China and the U.S. without prior consultation with his U.S. supporters.  The result has been anger and friction with uncertain implications for the future.

The election of Chen Shui-bian as president of Taiwan in March 2000 brought the decades-old Kuomintang (KMT) monopoly of power on the island to an end. This peaceful transition from one political party to another signified passage of an important milestone in the achievement of full democracy and was greeted with enthusiasm in the United States. Washington’s pleasure with the growth of democratic institutions, however, was offset somewhat with trepidation as to what a DPP presidency would mean for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. Thus the U.S. encouraged and warmly welcomed Chen’s inaugural address in which he pledged his four “No’s” and one “Would-Not”: no declaration of independence, no change in the name of the government, no placing the two-state theory in the constitution, and no referendum on self-determination.  At the same time, he would not eliminate the National Unification Council and Guidelines. Indeed in the weeks before the inauguration, Chen persuaded Taiwan supporters in the U.S. Congress to put aside plans to press for passage of the controversial Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. Generally, he sought to broadcast a moderate image abroad and at home as a pragmatic, conciliatory lawyer rather than a pro-independence firebrand. Members of the Clinton administration, who had found the final months of Lee Teng-hui’s presidency alarming and difficult, began to relax.

Daily Digest

Asia Times: Storm of accountability gathers over Myanmar

Difficult decisions ahead for US-Myanmar relations.

The Diplomat: What’s Next for RCEP?

Difficult issues remain unresolved for Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership free trade agreement.

Lawfare: In Pakistan’s Financial Crisis, an Opening for Chinese Lawfare

Implications behind Secretary of State Pompeo’s comments about an IMF bailout for Pakistan.

Lawfare – Offensive Cyber Operations and the Interagency Process: What’s at Stake With the New Trump Policy

A primer on “offensive cyber operations” and the implications for foreign relations.

Asia Times: Australia flexes bigger naval muscles at China

Is Australia choosing sides by increasing naval presence in the Indo-Pacific?

Asia Times: Russia expands assets and naval horizons across Indo-Pacific

Expecting increased China-Russia cooperation as Russia seeks to expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific.

The Diplomat: How China’s New Aircraft Carriers Will Shape Regional Order

China’s aircraft carrier as conspicuous consumption to bolster prestige.

The Diplomat: China’s Stake in the Myanmar Peace Process

China’s involvement in the Myanmar peace process is tied to its Belt and Road Initiative.

East Asia Foum: China’s response to Trump’s ‘trade war’

Why a US-China trade war will not solve the problem of trade imbalances in Asia.

The Diplomat: What Drives Indonesia’s Pacific Island Strategy?

Indonesia is working to improve relations with the Pacific Island states.